پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال دهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 20، بهار و تابستان 1401)

Resistive economy pattern to be executed requires the presence of all institutions, ministries, and organizations of the country so that they can make possible the implementation of this pattern by complementary planning. The present research, with the aim of providing appropriate requirements for foreign policy to strengthen the national economy, seeks to answer the main question, what are the foreign policy requirements of Iran in realizing the pattern of the resistive economy? This research tries to use the descriptive-analytical method and using the model of "Political Economy of Foreign Policy Based on the Realization of the Resistive Economy Pattern" to explain strategic plans and requirements of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran for achieving resistive economics. The method of collecting information is also libraries and documents. The findings of the research show that Iran's foreign policy by activating the coordination role (coordinating other institutions and ministries), opportunity building (the de-securitization of the country, constructive interaction with the countries of the region and the world), and pave the way in both domestic and foreign areas (facilitating trade, facilitating banking exchanges the use of Currency Swap and Block-Chain payment system), can take a step in

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of information and communication technology on the United Nations in three areas: nature, structure and function. The main question is: what impact  has information technology had on these three levels in the United Nations?  At the level of nature, there has not been a significant change, but fundamental concepts the goals and principles of this organization, such as sovereignty and security, have been transformed in terms of scope. the structure of the United Nations has reacted to the digital age by holding the World Summit on the Information Society and the creation of some subsidiary bodies in within some of the main organs such as the Human Rights Council. the most effective work has been done in the organization; so that by placing new subject areas such as "rooting out poverty and shared responsibility", Develompent and Human Security on the agenda of the United Nations, it has changed the previous state-oriented approaches and  even in some cases,it has changed the way of decision making. the research method is descriptive- analytic, and for gathering the its required data has used from library resources and reputable Internet sites.

The Middle East” is a controversial concept in terms of politics and geography. From a geographical point of view, there is no broad consensus on the borders of the Middle East. Also, there have been challenges in the use and application of the Middle East concept given the new theories to pay attention to the non-Western world. There have been challenges in applying this concept. To counter the monotony of European and American research and studies in the Middle East, instead of the concept of "Middle East", equations such as "Near East and North Africa", "North Middle East", "New Middle East", "Islamic Middle East", "Arab Middle East" "West Asia", and "Southwest Asia" are suggested instead. The main question of this article is "What is the reason for the inevitability of using this concept in all languages of the region, including Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and even Hebrew?" "Why can't the conceptual equivalents and proposed alternatives succeed in conveying the same meaning that the Middle East concept conveys?"  This research aims to answer why the concept of “the Middle East” cannot be left by focusing on the political issue and from the history of concepts method and theory view. The nature of “the political” emphasizes binary confrontations which confirms the fact of existing a stream of the battle between the political forces and group dominant on conversations in concepts forms. Although in this region criticize the hegemony of concepts such as the Middle East, and advocate for alternatives, the political irresistibility against geography is an important obstacle that complicates the use of alternative concepts of the Middle East.

Moving toward space was largely the result of the competition of terrestrial superpowers for planetary hegemony. Moving toward space has created a new criterion for recognizing the promotion of power and allocation of credit in the global community. The exploration and space technologies of the two superpowers, made the competition between them more intense. The launch of Sputnik 1 by the Soviet Union marked the beginning of the space race. Finally, the United States declared itself the winner of the space race by landing on the moon. But then not only did the rivalry between the two countries not end, but it also called on other countries, such as China, India, Japan and some European countries. From the beginning of the space age until now, military activities have been an important part of the goals of the powers. The main question is how space has played a role in intensifying competition between powers. The hypothesis of this article also believes that space has intensified competition between countries, especially space powers, by creating modern weapons and new conditions. From the point of view of neorealism, Space has become a new arena for intensifying competition between countries in the military field and gaining prestige.

Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental crisis, in particular the crisis of the microstats, which has been a serious challenge to the Middle East region in recent years, calls for regional cooperation. But contrary to expectations, countries in the region have not been willing to form a cooperative regime. In this research, the barriers to the formation of this convergence have been investigated. The question is, what are the barriers to the establishment of an environmental cooperation regime in the Middle East? The thesis hypothesis is that managing environmental crises requires a set of factors such as consensus, multilateral diplomacy and international regimes, in the current Middle East region, the existence of crises and political conflicts, including the occupation of Iraq, the developments of 2011 Its implications as well as hydropolitan disputes between countries in the region have created unfavorable conditions for the management of environmental crises, including the problem of waterfalls. In this thesis, the analytical-descriptive method has been used.

Brazil is one important country in Latin American region, after Cold War with its trade-economic developments played a constructive role in world peace and security. In this study, which was conducted based on qualitative method, describing phenomena-analysis-inference, and with the approach of development and nationalism, the question was asked whether changes in Brazil's economic-trade strategy and policies affect integration of countries and their convergence. It has had an impact on their interactions and, consequently, what effect has it had on regional and global peace and security process? Brazil, as a country from south, has changed its approach to cooperation with central and surrounding countries, especially in field of economics and trade, and has been able to take an effective step in integrating different countries with various agreements and creation of international groups. Establishing relative peace and security in most global regions. findings show that Brazil emerged as an emerging power through changes in its economy and politics, and by establishing a policy of mainly economic cooperation in the Latin American region, trade agreements outside framework of World Trade Organization and Doha Round Agreement such as South-South Agreement and Also, cooperation with emerging powers and actions of this kind has been able to help create peace and convergence in world, as well as a new chapter in creating more international security through multilateral interactions with southern and northern countries. results show Brazil's success in trade and economic cooperation for peace and security in South American region as well as globally.

In the post- JCPOA period, Economic and trade interactions did not take shape between Iran and the and the US, and the lack of pressure from economic actors facilitated Trump's withdrawal from JCPOA. In this article, we analyze the US withdrawal from the nuclear deal(JCPOA) from this perspective. The question arises: what effect did the non-formation of economic and trade cooperation between Iran and US have on the US withdrawal from JCPOA? We hypothesize that the lack of economic and trade interaction has facilitated the withdrawal of the US from the JCPOA. In this research, we modeled it with descriptive-analytical method (documentary sources) and using game theory, model of the repeated Prisoner's Dilemma, Iran-US relations in three times: Oman secret negotiations to JCPOA (2015), post-JCPOA and post-US withdrawal JCPOA (2018) and came to the conclusion that in the first stage of the game in the political field, change approach of the Iran-Us governments caused the parties to choose cooperation as the basis of the first game. The second stage of the game despite the economic background in the post- JCPOA period, no cooperation was formed between Iran and the US, unlike European countries and this lack of economic cooperation and interdependence led to the prevail of the political atmosphere in the third stage of the game, and with the withdrawal of the US from the JCPOA and the gradual reduction of nuclear commitments by Iran, non-cooperation according to the Prisoners Dilemma game returned relations to before JCPOA.

Human beings often in confronting with unfamiliar and novel events and situations, attempt to make sence them by comparisons between a present event or situation and a past one. Makesencing a current event or situation by analogizing is a mechanism or cognitive shortcut that cognitive psychology refers to it as Analogical Reasoning (AR). The present study, emphasizing the foreign policy event of  Iran'uclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1(2013-2015), aims to show how some of political personalities and online media users have understood this event by using historical analogies. The study has used directed qualitative content analysis method for collecting and analyzing data. The findings show that the events of The Resolution 598, The Algies Accords 1981, The nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, The Turkmenchay treaty, The Sa'adabad treaty, The Golestaan treaty, The Paris treaty, Amir Kabir, Arash Kamangir, The Huddaybbiah Peace and The Imam Hassan Peace, are the historical analogies that analogizers invoked them in order to making sense the current event of  Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1 (2013-2015). The findings show that of the total of 11 historical analogies used by the analogizers, the analogy of Resolution 598 and the Hudaybbiah  Peace, equally with the frequency of 22%, have been the most Popular analogies. The results show there have been an analogical battle between proponents and opponents of Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements-the the P5+1(2013-2015), that Islamism-Iranism political rhetoric is the device  of this battle.

The security crisis in Afghanistan decreased between 2001-2008 due to the fall of the Taliban regime and the role of the United States and NATO in that country. However, violence, casualties, terrorist attacks, the activities of terrorist groups and warlords, feelings of insecurity among ordinary citizens and political elites, as well as the instability of Afghanistan's institutions and political system, have increased since 2008. Simultaneously, the role of regional actors in supporting non-governmental and local groups have expanded over time. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors contributed to the spread of insecurity and security crises in Afghanistan from since 2008? To answer this question, security theories and in particular the approaches of Barry Buzan, Mohammad Ayoob, and Richard Little have been used. The findings illustrate that differences in the idea of ​​government influenced by ethnicity and religion, fragmented society, declining government legitimacy, terrorist groups and warlords and the relationship of these factors with the security environment in which more powerful states such as Pakistan are playing have expanded Afghanistan's security challenges since 2008.

The European Union has an important role in international politics and because of its global strategy,  it intends to have an active role in international system. So, to achieve this goal, having some strategic allies across the world is necessary. According to EU, s strategy, there are some challenges around the world, such as in Asia, needed to be considered. Europe wants to work together to tackle challenges and counter threats. India, meanwhile, plays an important role in the EU's Asian strategy. The study discusses what role does India play in the EU's Asian strategy? Hypothetically, it seems that, Europe, in its strategic partnership strategy, is considering working with India as a balancing player in Asia to counter the threats. This essay is discussed on the balance of power theory. The research design is descriptive and analytical. The Related information and data are also analyzed qualitatively. In research, it has been found that Europe in some cases such as Maritime Security; Counter-Terrorism; Managing China's Rise; Afghanistan Security; Climate change; The modernization of the Indian military, and the fight against infectious diseases share a common vision with India, and as a result, India could have a balancing role line with the EU strategy in Asia.

Today, regionalism and regional cooperation is a proper context to fortify national states’ power and different states seek multilateral development in the shadow of regional cooperation. Based on this fact, different organizations have been formed in Asia, but they have not been able to create a sustainable and effective union in the global decision-making process. This paper using descriptive- analytic method is intended to investigate the causes and factors which prevent the formation of such a union in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia. The research main question here is that “why a sustainable and effective union has not been formed in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia”. This paper argues that some geopolitical-geographic, political, cultural, economic and perceptional factors prevent the formation of a sustainable and effective in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia. Also, regionalism is classic in these regions and the state nature and type is one of the most important factors in this relation.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have been among the most important actors in the Persian Gulf region and West Asia, which have experienced ups and downs after the Islamic Revolution. Whereas before the Islamic Revolution, in spite of overt and covert rivalries, it pursued parallel goals and interests, and a kind of convergence and relative stability prevailed in their relations. However, with the advent of the Islamic Revolution, conflicting social and identity structures were created between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which, as a result of these conflicting structures, inconsistent and inverted realities overshadowed their relations and dominated the conflict between the two countries. Hence, the pattern of conflicting relations between the two countries has been formed in such a way that peaceful relations in their relations have become fleeting and the occurrence of successive crises has become permanent and fundamental. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the reasons and contexts for the recurrence of the crisis in the relations between the two countries and the research data show that the recurrence of the crisis in their relations is a function of deep social structures (such as political Islam versus Wahhabi Islam) and maladaptive elements of identity (such as revolutionaryism and historical Iranism versus Saudi conservatism and Arabism) and the conflicting speech acts of the two countries' political and religious elites.

The majority of the history of Iran's foreign relations, for more than half a century, has been influenced by its relationship with the United States and its quality. The main purpose of this article is to address a period of these relationships; including the seizure of the US embassy by Iranian students; and its negative consequences. So, the theory of "Path Dependency" has been used to explain this relationship. The main question of the research is dedicated to the fact that; Depending on the environment and the conditions of that period, the path dependency has caused the situation to move towards hostility and enmity between the two countries. The claim of this research is based on the hypothesis that the mutual decisions of the two countries after that incident, as a turning point, have depended on the path dependency and can be explained by it. Therefore, after searching in various books and articles, I used a qualitative method to analyze and explain the decisions and actions of the parties involved in the crisis. The research findings indicate the negative impact of path dependence in the critical environment and the resulting uncertainty at an important time. The result is that; the decisions of Tehran and Washington have exacerbated the situation due to path dependence on the each stage.

Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual necessities that should have been considered in foreign policy analysis. For this reason, they have undergone superficial analysis and "theoretical reductionism". For example, constructivists in ontology have not addressed "anthropology" and "socialization." Such a "problem" stems from the nature of constructivism; because constructivism is a buffer and synthesis of positivism and post-structuralism, has included a paradoxical combination of objective and subjective elements in foreign policy analysis. Therefore, empirical studies require methodical theoretical studies. With the aim of compiling a research guide for constructivist researchers, the question is addressed: based on constructivism what are the theoretical foundations and requirements of research in foreign policy analysis. According to our findings, the study of foreign policy requires the analysis of constructivism in the five dimensions of ontology, epistemology, methodology, typology and conceptology. In ontology, "level of analysis" and "units of analysis" must be specified: micro level (anthropology, socialization and stateology) and macro level (international system, international organizations, international law, international structures and agents). In epistemology, the relationship between knowledge and value, subject and object, explanation and interpretation, reality and truth, material and meaning are analyzed. Ontology and epistemology determine the method of research: quantitative or qualitative. Then the type of constructivism is chosen: interpretive, critical, and post-modern or positivist. Finally, the basic conceptual constructs are extracted and defined: inter-subjectivity, constructivism, culture, identity, idea, knowledge, norm, and socialization. These five requirements indicate the complexity and difficulty of constructivist analysis of foreign policy.